[53]Aspendum vetus oppidum et nobile in Pamphylia scitis esse, plenissimum signorum optimorum. Non dicam illinc hoc signum ablatum esse et illud. hoc dico, nullum te Aspendi signum, Verres, reliquisse, omnia ex fanis, ex locis publicis, palam, spectantibus omnibus, plaustris evecta exportataque esse. Atque etiam illum Aspendium citharistam, de quo saepe audistis id quod est Graecis hominibus in proverbio, quem omnia ‘intus canere’ dicebant, sustulit et in intimis suis aedibus posuit, ut etiam illum ipsum suo artificio superasse videatur.

[53]You know, Aspendos is a old and well-known city in Pamphylia, and full of best statues. I will not say this and that statue has been carried away. I say that you, Verres, left no statue in Aspendos, all statues has been carried away and out from the sanctuaries, from the public spaces openly on wagons, while everyone watching. And even he took away that cithara-player of Aspendos, about whom you often heard that what is in proverb for the Greeks, they were saying that he plays all inside, and he put it in the most inner parts of his house, so that he seems have trancended him in his art.

[54] Pergae fānum antīquissimum et sānctissimum Diānae scīmus esse: id quoque ā tē nūdātum ac spoliātum esse, ex ipsā Diānā quod habēbat aurī dētractum atque ablātum esse dīcō. Quae, malum, est ista tanta audācia atque āmentia! Quās enim sociōrum atque amīcōrum urbēs adistī lēgātiōnis iūre et nōmine, sī in eās vī cum exercitū imperiōque invāsissēs, tamen, opīnor, quae signa atque ōrnāmenta ex iīs urbibus sustulissēs, haec nōn in tuam domum neque in suburbāna amīcōrum, sed Rōmam in pūblicum dēportāssēs.

[54] We know that there is a very ancient and sacred sanctuary of Diana in Perge; (and) I also say that it was stripped and plundered by you, and from itself which gold it had was removed and taken away. What is, wickedly, such an audacity and madness?For if you had entered to the cities of the allies and friends, which you went with the right and the name of the legation, by force with an army and authority, still, I think, , you would have carried the statues and ornaments ,which you took away from those cities, not to your house nor the suburban estates of your friends but to Rome for public.

[55] Quid ego dē M. Mārcellō loquar, quī Syrācūsās, urbem ōrnātissimam, cēpit? quid dē L. Scīpiōne, quī bellum in Asiā gessit Antiochumque, rēgem potentissimum, vīcit? quid dē Flāminīnō, quī rēgem Philippum et Macedoniam subēgit? quid dē L. Paulō, quī rēgem Persēn vī ac virtūte superāvit? quid dē L. Mummiō, quī urbem pulcherrimam atque ōrnātissimam, Corinthum, plēnissimam rērum omnium, sustulit, urbēsque Achāiae Boeōtiaeque multās sub imperium populī Rōmānī diciōnemque subiūnxit? Quōrum domūs, cum honōre ac virtūte flōrērent, signīs et tabulīs pictīs erant vacuae; at vērō urbem tōtam templaque deōrum omnēsque Ītaliae partēs illōrum dōnīs ac monumentīs exōrnātās vidēmus.

[55] What should I say about M. Marcellus who seized Syracuse, the most eminent city? What about L. Scipio, who carried a war in Asia and overcame the mighiest king Antiochus? What about L. Paulus, who surpassed king Perses with force and courage? What about L. Mummius, who destroyed Corinth, the most beautiful and distinguished city filled with all kinds of stuff and brought many Achaian and Boeotian cities under the dominion and authority of Roman people? Their houses, although they were glittering with dignity and excellence, were empty of statues and paintings; on the contrary, we see all city, the temples of gods and all the parts of Italy furnished by their gifts and monuments.

[56] Vereor nē haec forte cuipiam nimis antīqua et iam obsolēta videantur; ita enim tum aequābiliter omnēs erant eius modī ut haec laus eximiae virtūtis et innocentiae nōn sōlum hominum, vērum etiam temporum illōrum esse videātur. P. Servīlius, vir clārissimus, maximīs rēbus gestīs, adest dē tē sententiam lātūrus: Olympum vī, cōpiīs, cōnsiliō, virtūte cēpit, urbem antīquam et omnibus rēbus auctam et ōrnātam. Recēns exemplum fortissimī virī prōferō; nam posteā Servīlius imperātor populī Rōmānī Olympum urbem hostium cēpit quam tū in īsdem illīs locīs lēgātus quaestōrius oppida pācāta sociōrum atque amīcōrum dīripienda ac vexanda cūrāstī.

[56] I am afraid that these (examples) may be seen by someone excessively old and at present worn-out; thus, in those times, everyone was equal of such extend that this praise of distinquished excellence and uprightness seems to belong not only to the men but indeed to those times. P. Servilius, a most celebrated man, with the greatest deeds having been done, is present to bring forth (his) opinion concerning you. He seized Olympus by force, soldiers, wisdom, and bravery -an ancient city, enriched and furnished by all means. I will reveal recent example of the mighiest man; for Servilius, the general of the Roman people took Olympus, a hostile city after than you, a queaestorian legate in those same regions, caused peaceful cities of the allies and friends to be plundered and be harassed.

[57] Tū quae ex fānīs religiōsissimīs per scelus et latrōcinium abstulistī, ea nōs vidēre nisi in tuīs amīcōrumque tuōrum tēctīs nōn possumus: P. Servīlius quae signa atque ōrnāmenta ex urbe hostium vī et virtūte captā bellī lēge atque imperātōriō iūre sustulit, ea populō Rōmānō adportāvit, per triumphum vēxit, in tabulā pūblicā ad aerārium perscrībenda cūrāvit. Cognōscite ex litterīs pūblicīs hominis amplissimī dīligentiam. Recitā. Ratiōnēs Relātae P. Servīlī. Nōn sōlum numerum signōrum, sed etiam ūnīus cuiusque magnitūdinem, figūram, statum litterīs dēfīnīrī vidēs. Certē maior est virtūtis victōriaeque iūcunditās quam ista voluptās quae percipitur ex libīdine et cupiditāte. Multō dīligentius habēre dīcō Servīlium praedam populī Rōmānī quam tē tua fūrta notāta atque perscrīpta.

[57] What you have carried off from the most sacred shrines through crime and robbery, we can not see them except in the houses of your and your friends’; the statues and the decoration that P. Servilius took from the captured towns of enemies in accordance with the law of war and right of a general (and) these that he carried to the Roman people, he conveyed through triumphial procession, and took care (them) has to be written in the public records to treasury. Acknowledge the diligence of the most distinguished man from the public records. Read aloud. {Registered accounts of P. Servilius.} You see that not only numbers of the statues, but also the size, shape, and the status of each one are defined to the records, It is certain that the delight of the courage and victory is greated than the pleasure which is obtained from desire and cupidity. I am saying that Servilius has the plunders of Roman more carefully noted and recorded in public documents that you, your robberies.

[58]Dīcēs tua quoque signa et tabulās pictās ōrnāmentō urbī forōque populī Rōmānī fuisse. Meminī; vīdī simul cum populō Rōmānō forum comitiumque adōrnātum ad speciem magnificō ōrnātū, ad sēnsum cōgitātiōnemque acerbō et lūgubrī; vīdī conlūcēre omnia fūrtīs tuīs, praedā prōvinciārum, spoliīs sociōrum atque amīcōrum. Quō quidem tempore, iūdicēs, iste spem maximam reliquōrum quoque peccātōrum nactus est; vīdit enim eōs quī iūdiciōrum sē dominōs dīcī volēbant hārum cupiditātum esse servōs.

[58] You will state that your statues and paintings also has been used for the adornment of the city and for the forum of the Roman people. I remember(!): I saw the forum and the Comitium together with the Roman people, that was furnished magficiently for the sight, but to the senses and thoughts was harsch and sorrowing; I (also) say that all were shining in your robberies, pillage of the provinces and spoils of allies and friends. In fact, on that time, O judges, this man has obtained the greatest hope for the remaining sins also; for he saw that those who wanted to be called rulers of the courts, they themselves were the slaves of these desires.

[59] Sociī vērō nātiōnēsque exterae spem omnem tum prīmum abiēcērunt rērum ac fortūnārum suārum, proptereā quod cāsū lēgātī ex Asiā atque Achāiā plūrimī Rōmae tunc fuērunt, quī deōrum simulācra ex suīs fānīs sublāta in forō venerābantur, itemque cētera signa et ōrnāmenta cum cognōscerent, alia aliō in locō lacrimantēs intuēbantur. Quōrum omnium hunc sermōnem tum esse audiēbāmus, nihil esse quod quisquam dubitāret dē exitiō sociōrum atque amīcōrum, cum quidem vidērent in forō populī Rōmānī, quō in locō anteā quī sociīs iniūriās fēcerant accūsārī et condemnārī solēbant, ibi esse palam posita ea quae ab sociīs per scelus ablāta ēreptaque essent.

[59] The allies and the foreign nations, at that time, firstly, gave up all their hope of their property and possessions, on account that a great number of ambassadors from Asia and Achaia were at Rome,in that time, who were worshipping statues of the gods in our forum taken from their temples, besides, when they perceived other statues and ornaments, they kept looking at each one in elsewhere weeping. Then, we used to hear that there is no reason that anyone should be in doubt about the destruction of allies and of friends, since, in fact, they saw in the forum of the Roman people, in which location, previously, those who had made wrongdoing on the allies used to be accused and condemned, that those which were removed and taken away from the allies through wickedness, was placed there publicly.

[60] Hīc ego nōn arbitror illum negātūrum signa sē plūrima, tabulās pictās innumerābilēs habēre; sed, ut opīnor, solet haec quae rapuit et fūrātus est nōn numquam dīcere sē ēmisse, quoniam quidem in Achāiam, Asiam, Pamphȳliam sūmptū pūblicō et lēgātiōnis nōmine mercātor signōrum tabulārumque pictārum missus est. Habeō et ipsīus et patris eius acceptī tabulās omnēs, quās dīligentissimē lēgī atque dīgessī, patris, quoad vīxit, tuās, quoad ais tē cōnfēcisse. Nam in istō, iūdicēs, hoc novum reperiētis. Audīmus aliquem tabulās numquam cōnfēcisse; quae est opīniō hominum dē Antōniō falsa, nam fēcit dīligentissimē; vērum sit hoc genus aliquod, minimē probandum. Audīmus alium nōn ab initiō fēcisse, sed ex tempore aliquō coepisse; est aliqua etiam huiusce reī ratiō. Hoc vērō novum et rīdiculum est, quod hic nōbīs respondit cum ab eō tabulās postulārēmus, usque ad M. Terentium et C. Cassium cōnsulēs cōnfēcisse, posteā dēstitisse.

[60] At this point, I don’t think that he will deny that he himself has a great number of statues and innumerable paintings; but I think, he is always accustomed that say that he himself bought the things, that he had carried away and stolen, because in fact, he was despatched to Achaia, Asia, and Pamphylia with public expenditures and with the title of legation (as) the purchaser of the statues and paintings. I have all account of him and his father, which I have read and I arranged them carefully, of your father as long as he lived, (and) yours as long as you confirm that you have prepared.  For in him, judges, you will find these things new. We hear that someone has never prepared accounts; which is the false opinion of humans about Antonius; for he made (them) carefully; this may be a possible approach, in the smallest degree to be approved.* We hear that some other one registered them not from the beginning, but began from another point in time; in anyway there is even a consideration of this affair.This, in truth, is new and ridiculous, which he responded us when we requested from him his accounts -until the consulship of M. Terentius and C. Cassius he kept accounts but afterwards he left off.

[61] Aliō locō hoc cuius modī sit cōnsīderābimus; nunc nihil ad mē attinet; hōrum enim temporum in quibus nunc versor habeō tabulās et tuās et patris. Plūrima signa pulcherrima, plūrimās tabulās optimās dēportāsse tē negāre nōn potes. Atque utinam negēs! Ūnum ostende in tabulīs aut tuīs aut patris tuī emptum esse: vīcistī. Nē haec quidem duo signa pulcherrima quae nunc ad impluvium tuum stant, quae multōs annōs ante valvās Iūnōnis Samiae stetērunt, habēs quō modo ēmeris, haec, inquam, duo quae in aedibus tuīs sōla iam sunt, quae sectōrem exspectant, relicta ac dēstitūta ā cēterīs signīs.

[61]We will survey another place of what kind of manner is this; at this time nothing detains me; for of the period in which I am engaged, I have the accounts of both yours and you father. You can not deny that you have taken plenty of the most beautiful statues away and the great number of noblest paintings. And would that you deny! Show me one that has been bought either in your  accounts or your father’s accounts; then you have been victorious. Not, in truth, the two very glorious statues, which now stand in your impluvium, that for many years have stood in front of the doors of Hera of Samos, you have to say how you have bought (them); these two, I’m saying, were abondoned and left alone already from the other statues, and awaiting the purchaser.

[62]At, credo, in hisce solis rebus indomitas cupiditates atque effrenatas habebat: ceterae libidines eius ratione aliqua aut modo continebantur. Quam multis istum ingenuis, quam multis matribus familias in illa taetra atque impura legatione vim attulisse existimatis? Ecquo in oppido pedem posuit ubi non plura stuprorum flagitiorumque suorum quam adventus sui vestigia reliquerit? Sed ego omnia quae negari poterunt praetermittam; etiam haec quae certissima sunt et clarissima relinquam; unum aliquod de nefariis istius factis eligam, quo facilius ad Siciliam possim aliquando, quae mihi hoc oneris negotique imposuit, pervenire.

[62]So, I believe that, then he was inclined only in this affairs to this untamed and unbridled passions: his other passions/ inclinations were enclosed with another consideration or manner. Do you estimate against how many free-born Roman citizen, how many married women did this man use force during his loathsome and filthy legation? And in which town that he had set his foot, where did he leave more footprints of his own violations and outrages than his arrival? (or “And in which town did he set his foot, that did he not leave more footprints of his own violations and outrages than his arrival?) But I will exclude everything that can be denied, even I will abandon those things that are the most certain and the most clear; I will pick out another from his abominable deeds; by which I may finally be able to arrive to Sicily which imposed the burden of this occupation to me.

[63]Oppidum est in Hellesponto Lampsacum, iudices, in primis Asiae provinciae clarum et nobile; homines autem ipsi Lampsaceni cum summe in omnis civis Romanos officiosi, tum praeterea maxime sedati et quieti, prope praeter ceteros ad summum Graecorum otium potius quam ad ullam vim aut tumultum adcommodati. Accidit, cum iste a Cn. Dolabella efflagitasset ut se ad regem Nicomedem regemque Sadalam mitteret, cumque iter hoc sibi magis ad quaestum suum quam ad rei publicae tempus adcommodatum depoposcisset, ut illo itinere veniret Lampsacum cum magna calamitate et prope pernicie civitatis. Deducitur iste ad Ianitorem quendam hospitem, comitesque eius item apud ceteros hospites conlocantur. Ut mos erat istius, atque ut eum suae libidines flagitiosae facere admonebant, statim negotium dat illis suis comitibus, nequissimis turpissimisque hominibus, uti videant et investigent ecqua virgo sit aut mulier digna quam ob rem ipse Lampsaci diutius commoraretur.

[63]There is a town in Hellespont, called Lampsacus, judges, one of the most distinguished among the Asian provinces, brilliant and well-known; and the citizens of Lampsacus are not just the most deeply compliant to whole of the Roman citizens, but also, further, they are exceedingly calm and peaceful, and they was adapted almost over the others the upmost leisure of the Greeks rather than the violence and disorder. It happened -after he had demanded from Dolabella that he send him to king Nicomedes and to king Sadalas, and after he had demanded this journey that is fit more to his own advantage than that of the opportunity of the republic,- that by this journey (or through) he arrived to Lampsacus with a great misfortune and with almost a destruction for/to its citizens. And this man was led to a certain host called Ianitor, and his companions also were placed at the houses of other hosts. As this was the habit of his man, and as his own desires incited him to do, he immediately gave a duty to his companions, the most dissolute and filthiest men, so that they may have their eyes open and find out whether there was a maiden or an honorable woman.

[64] Erat comes eius Rubrius quīdam, homō factus ad istīus libīdinēs, quī mīrō artificiō, quōcumque vēnerat, haec investīgāre omnia solēbat. Is ad eum rem istam dēfert, Philodamum esse quendam, genere, honōre, cōpiīs, exīstimātiōne facile prīncipem Lampsacēnōrum; eius esse fīliam, quae cum patre habitāret proptereā quod virum nōn habēret, mulierem eximiā pulchritūdine; sed eam summā integritāte pudīcitiāque exīstimārī. Homō, ut haec audīvit, sīc exārsit ad id quod nōn modo ipse numquam vīderat, sed nē audierat quidem ab eō quī ipse vīdisset, ut statim ad Philodamum migrāre sē dīceret velle. Hospes Iānitor, quī nihil suspicārētur, veritus nē quid in ipsō sē offenderētur, hominem summā vī retinēre coepit. Iste, quī hospitis relinquendī causam reperīre nōn posset, aliā sibi ratiōne viam mūnīre ad stuprum coepit; Rubrium, dēliciās suās, in omnibus eius modī rēbus adiūtōrem suum et cōnscium, parum lautē dēversārī dīcit; ad Philodamum dēducī iubet.

[64] Rubrius was one companion of him, a man made for the desires of that man here, who was accustomed to trace out all these things with and astonishing skill, whereever he had gone. He gave an account of this to him that there was a certain Philodamus who was easily among the most noblest of the Lampsacenes in terms of family, honor, wealth, and reputation; and that he had a daughter who was living with her father since she had not a husband, -a woman with extraordinary beauty- but that she was appreciated for her highest innocence and modesty. This man, when he heard this, so much blazed for the thing which he himself never saw but even he heard from one who had seen himself that he said that he wanted to go immediately to Philodamus. His host Ianitor, who suspected nothing, but somehow fearing that he was suffered in himself, he undertook to hold this man back with highest energy. This man here, who could not find out a reason of leaving his host, began to open a way with other argumentation/ another manner for his lust; He said that Rubrius, his beloved one, his assistant and partaker in all issues

[65] Quod ubi est Philodamō nūntiātum, tametsī erat ignārus quantum sibi ac līberīs suīs iam tum malī cōnstituerētur, tamen ad istum venit; ostendit mūnus illud suum nōn esse; sē, cum suae partēs essent hospitum recipiendōrum, tum ipsōs tamen praetōrēs et cōnsulēs, nōn lēgātōrum adseculās, recipere solēre. Iste, quī ūnā cupiditāte raperētur, tōtum illīus postulātum causamque neglēxit; per vim ad eum, quī recipere nōn dēbēbat, Rubrium dēdūcī imperāvit. Hīc Philodamus, posteāquam iūs suum obtinēre nōn potuit, ut hūmānitātem cōnsuētūdinemque suam retinēret labōrābat. Homō, quī semper hospitālissimus amīcissimusque nostrōrum hominum exīstimātus esset, nōluit vidērī ipsum illum Rubrium invītus domum suam recēpisse; magnificē et ōrnātē, ut erat in prīmīs inter suōs cōpiōsus, convīvium comparat; rogat Rubrium ut quōs eī commodum sit invītet, locum sibi sōlī, sī videātur, relinquat; etiam fīlium suum, lēctissimum adulēscentem, forās ad propinquum suum quendam mittit ad cēnam.

[65] But somehow, as soon as Philodamus was informed, although he was unaware of how much evil was laid down for him and his childen, at that time, still he went to this man here; he told that this was not his duty, that when it was his turn of guests that ought to be hosted, at that time, he was accustomed to accept praetors and consuls not servants of the legates. He (Verres), who was driven solely with lust, disregard all of his complaints and causes; ordered Rubrius to be carried through force to him, who was not under the obligation of receive him. This Philodamus, after he could not obtain his right, strived to maintain his tradition and kindness. He, who was always regarded as the most hospitable and most favourable for our men, did not want to be seem that he welcome Rubrius into his house against his will; he arranged a banquet, magficiently and elegantly, as he was one of the leading rich man among his fellow citizen; he asked Rubrius to invited those who are suitable to him, and if it seems good, to leae a place for him only; he event send his so, an excellent young men out to some of his relatives to dine.

[66] Rubrius istīus comitēs invītat; eōs omnēs Verrēs certiōrēs facit quid opus esset. Mātūrē veniunt, discumbitur. Fit sermō inter eōs, et invītātiō ut Graecō mōre biberētur; hortātur hospes, poscunt maiōribus pōculīs, celebrātur omnium sermōne laetitiāque convīvium. Posteāquam satis calēre rēs Rubriō vīsa est, ‘Quaesō,’ inquit, ‘Philodame, cūr ad nōs fīliam tuam nōn intrō vocārī iubēs?’ Homō, quī et summā gravitāte et iam id aetātis et parēns esset, obstipuit hominis improbī dictō. Īnstāre Rubrius. Tum ille, ut aliquid respondēret, negāvit mōris esse Graecōrum ut in convīviō virōrum accumberent mulierēs. Hic tum alius ex aliā parte, ‘Enim vērō ferendum hoc quidem nōn est; vocētur mulier!’ Et simul servīs suīs Rubrius ut iānuam clauderent et ipsī ad forēs adsisterent imperat.

[66] Rubrius invited the companions of that man here; Verres made them all sure what was the deed. They came in time and reclined to eat. Among them  conversation began, and they (settled) an invitation to drink in Greek manner; they requested with larger drinking-vessels, the banquet was filled with joy and talking of all. After the issue was appeared to be hot enough to Rubrius, he asked, “I beseech, O Philodamus, why don’t you order your daughter to be called inside among us?” The man (Philodamus), who was parent and a man of advancing age and with the highest dignity, was astounded by the sayings of the wicked man. Rubrius insisted. Then he, to respond something, denied that it was a Greek custom that a women reclined at tabled in the banquets of men. Then on this occasion, someone else from another part (said), “Truly it is not to be tolerated; Let the woman be called!” And at the same time Rubrius ordered his servants to shut the doors and stand out the doors.

[67] Quod ubi ille intellēxit, id agī atque id parārī ut fīliae suae vīs adferrētur, servōs suōs ad sē vocat; hīs imperat ut sē ipsum neglegant, fīliam dēfendant; excurrat aliquis quī hoc tantum domesticī malī fīliō nūntiet. Clāmor intereā fit tōtā domō; pugna inter servōs Rubrī atque hospitis; iactātur domī suae vir prīmārius et homō honestissimus; prō sē quisque manus adfert; aqua dēnique ferventī ā Rubriō ipsō Philodamus perfunditur. Haec ubi fīliō nūntiāta sunt, statim exanimātus ad aedēs contendit, ut et vītae patris et pudīcitiae sorōris succurreret; omnēs eōdem animō Lampsacēnī, simul ut hoc audiērunt, quod eōs cum Philodamī dignitās tum iniūriae magnitūdō movēbat, ad aedēs noctū convēnērunt. Hic līctor istīus Cornēlius, quī cum eius servīs erat ā Rubriō quasi in praesidiō ad auferendam mulierem conlocātus, occīditur; servī nōn nūllī vulnerantur; ipse Rubrius in turbā sauciātur. Iste, quī suā cupiditāte tantōs tumultūs concitātōs vidēret, cupere aliquā ēvolāre, sī posset.

[67] But when Philodamus understood that it was conductdd and contrieved to abduct hisdaughter by force, he called his servants to her; he ordered to them to neglect him, but to defend the daughter; and another one to hasten and to inform his son about this evil or the house. Meanwhile, a clamour begn in all house; and a fight between the servants or Rubrius and of the host; this eminent and the most honorable man was hurled in his own house; everyone fight for himself; at last Philodamus was poured with boiling water by Rubrius’ himself. When these were informed to his son, he, being exhausted, immediately went hastily to house, to succor the life of his father and the virtue of his sister; all the Lampsacenes, with the same spirit, as soon as they heard this, because they moved not only the dignity of Philodamus but also the greatness of the unjust, they gathered in front of the house by night. At this time, Cornelius, lictor of Verres, who was placed with the servants of him (by Rubrius); as if he was in defense, but to carry off woman, was killed; several servants were wounded; Rubrius’ himself was wounded in the crowd. He, (Verres), who saw such an disorder incited by his own desire, wished to fly away somewhere if he could.

[68] Postrīdiē hominēs māne in contiōnem conveniunt; quaerunt quid optimum factū sit; prō sē quisque, ut in quoque erat auctōritātis plūrimum, ad populum loquēbātur; inventus est nēmō cuius nōn haec et sententia esset et ōrātiō, nōn esse metuendum, sī istīus nefārium scelus Lampsacēnī ultī vī manūque essent, nē senātus populusque Rōmānus in eam cīvitātem animadvertendum putāret; quodsī hōc iūre lēgātī populī Rōmānī in sociōs nātiōnēsque exterās ūterentur, ut pudīcitiam līberōrum servāre ab eōrum libīdine tūtam nōn licēret, quidvīs esse perpetī satius quam in tantā vī atque acerbitāte versārī.

[68] Next day early in the morning, the men assembled in the assembly; they inquired what is best to do; each one expressed (their views) to the people, as in each one there was the greatest authority; nobody was found of whom this judgement and discourse were that they ought to be not frightened, if they were to avenge the execrable crime of this man here by force and fight, the senate and the people of Rome would consider that they had to inflict punishment on this city.{No one was found whose judgement and speech was not this that they ought to not fear that the senate and the Roman people would think that they ought to inflict punishment on this city, if the Lampsacenes were to avenge the execrable crime of this men here; and if the legates of the Roman people were to employ this law against the allied and foreign nations that they were not allowed to keep the chastity of their children safe from their desires, than it would be better to endure anything rather than to live in such violence and bitterness.

[69] Haec cum omnēs sentīrent, et cum in eam ratiōnem prō suō quisque sēnsū ac dolōre loquerētur, omnēs ad eam domum in quā iste dēversābātur profectī sunt; caedere iānuam saxīs, īnstāre ferrō, ligna et sarmenta circumdare ignemque subicere coepērunt. Tunc cīvēs Rōmānī, quī Lampsacī negōtiābantur, concurrunt; ōrant Lampsacēnōs ut gravius apud eōs nōmen lēgātiōnis quam iniūria lēgātī putārētur; sēsē intellegere hominem illum esse impūrum ac nefārium, sed quoniam nec perfēcisset quod cōnātus esset, neque futūrus esset Lampsacī posteā, levius eōrum peccātum fore sī hominī scelerātō pepercissent quam sī lēgātō nōn pepercissent.

[69] Since everyone was of this opinion, and since each one spoke in this ground on behalf of him with the sense of anguish, everyone marched to the house where this man here lodged; they began to cut the entrance with stones, to threaten with swords, to set woods and twigs around, and to set fire, Then Roman citizens, who was carrying business in Lampsacus, rushed; they entreated Lamsacenes to estimate the name of the legatin more importantly among them than the wrongdoing of the legate; they said that they know that that man was impure and execrable, but since he neither accomlished what he had tried, nor he would be in Lampsacus afterwards, their crime would be more lighter if they spared a defiled man than if they did not spare a legate.

[70] Sīc iste multō scelerātior et nēquior quam ille Hadriānus aliquantō etiam fēlīcior fuit. Ille, quod eius avāritiam cīvēs Rōmānī ferre nōn potuērunt, Uticae domī suae vīvus exustus est, idque ita illī meritō accidisse exīstimātum est ut laetārentur omnēs neque ūlla animadversiō cōnstituerētur: hīc sociōrum ambustus incendiō tamen ex illā flammā perīculōque ēvolāvit, neque adhūc causam ūllam excōgitāre potuit quam ob rem commīserit, aut quod ēvēnerit, ut in tantum perīculum venīret. Nōn enim potest dīcere, ‘cum sēditiōnem sēdāre vellem, cum frūmentum imperārem, cum stīpendium cōgerem, cum aliquid dēnique reī pūblicae causa gererem, quod ācrius imperāvī, quod animadvertī, quod minātus sum.’ Quae sī dīceret, tamen ignōscī nōn oportēret, sī nimis atrōciter imperandō sociīs in tantum adductus perīculum vidērētur.

[70] Thus, this one here (Verres) was more defiled and wretchd than that Hadrianus, but stil he was considerably luckier than him. That one, since Roman citiens could not bear his covetousness, was burned alive at his house in Utica, and it was considered that it happened to him so justly that everyone was glad and that no inquiry was set: this one, having burnt round by flame by our allies, yet escaped from that fire and danger, he also was not be able to devise any reason on ground of what deed he committed, or what happened, so that he felt into such danger. He indeed is not able to say, ‘since I wanted to stop an insurrection, since I commanded frumentum, since I collected taxes, since I, at last, performed someting for the sake of the republic, because I ruled fiercely, because I chastised, because I threatened. If he was to say these, he still must not be pardoned, if he was to be seen that he was led into such a danger by giving orders, excessively fierce, to our allies.

[71] Nunc cum ipse causam illīus tumultūs neque vēram dīcere neque falsam cōnfingere audeat, homō autem ōrdinis suī frūgālissimus, quī tum accēnsus C. Nerōnī fuit, P. Tettius, haec eadem sē Lampsacī cognōsse dīxerit, vir omnibus rēbus ōrnātissimus, C. Varrō, quī tum in Asiā mīlitum tribūnus fuit, haec eadem sē ipsō ex Philodamō audīsse dīcat, potestis dubitāre quīn istum fortūna nōn tam ex illō perīculō ēripere voluerit quam ad vestrum iūdicium reservāre? Nisi vērō illud dīcet, quod et in Tettī testimōniō priōre āctiōne interpellāvit Hortēnsius – quō tempore quidem signī satis dedit, sī quid esset quod posset dīcere, sē tacēre nōn posse, ut, quam diū tacuit in cēterīs testibus, scīre omnēs possēmus nihil habuisse quod dīceret: hoc tum dīxit, Philodamum et fīlium eius ā C. Nerōne esse damnātōs.

[71]Now since he does not dare to say, neither the true reason of this uproar, nor devise the false one, yet a man, the most worthy of his rank, who was at the time and addendant to C. Nero, P. Tettius, said that he gathered the same things in Lampsacus, a man, praised in all matters, C. Varro, who at the time was military tribune in Asia, said that he heard the same things from Philodamus’ himself, can you doubt that the fortune did not want much to snatch him away from this danger rather to keep (him) for you justice? Unless, in truth, he will say tht what Hortensius interrupted on the testimony of Tettius on the former trial -on which case he certainly exhibited enough of proof that if there was to be something that he was to be able to say, then he would not be silent, so that, as long as he said nothing in the other testimonies, we all may know that he had nothing to say; at that time he said this that Philodamus and his son was condemned by C. Nero.

The main source for this translation: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Against Verres, 2.1.53-86. Latin Text with Introduction, Study Questions, Commentary and English Translation. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2011, https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0016